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The Compromise of 1877 resolved the disputed 1876 presidential election by awarding the presidency to Republican Rutherford B. Hayes and effectively ending Reconstruction. More Less
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Nov 1876
In the November 1876 presidential election, Democrat Samuel J. Tilden received 184 uncontested electoral votes, one vote short of the 185 needed for a majority.
Nov 1876
Republican Rutherford B. Hayes received 165 uncontested electoral votes in the November 1876 election, leaving the presidency unresolved because neither candidate had a majority.
Image source: 1876 United States presidential election
Nov 1876
The unresolved electoral count produced an intense dispute over the result of the presidential election and created a crisis over who would assume the presidency.
1877
The political resolution prevented a congressional filibuster that threatened to prolong the election dispute beyond Inauguration Day in 1877.
Image source: Compromise of 1877
1877
In formal legal terms, the election was decided by Congress's official vote to accept the recommendations of the Electoral Commission rather than by a legally binding negotiated settlement.
1877
Rutherford B. Hayes was declared the winner over Samuel Tilden, and the agreement became associated with securing Hayes's political authority.
1877
The Compromise of 1877, also called the Wormley Agreement, Tilden-Hayes Compromise, Bargain of 1877, or Corrupt Bargain, was an informal political deal associated with the settlement of the disputed election.
1877 - 1900
After 1877, support for white supremacy generally led white voters to support Democrats, and the region became known as the Solid South.
Image source: Solid South
1877 - 1890
The Republican Party did not abandon efforts to regulate race relations in the South until at least 1890, when the Lodge Bill failed.
Image source: Lodge Bill
1877 - 1900
Until the end of the nineteenth century, Black Republicans continued to elect numerous candidates to local office, even as Democrats controlled most state legislative and statewide positions.
1877 - 1898
For a period after 1877, fusion governments and candidates supported by Republicans and Populists or other third parties were occasionally elected to state-level offices, particularly in North Carolina.
Image source: Electoral fusion in the United States
1877 - 1905
Some Black Republicans felt betrayed as the federal military no longer defended their political legitimacy in the South. By 1905, most African Americans were effectively disenfranchised in every Southern state.
1898
The period of occasional fusion success in North Carolina continued until the Wilmington massacre of 1898, which marked a major defeat for the state's interracial political coalition.
Image source: Wilmington massacre
1877 - 1901
Contemporary accounts of the crisis did not discuss the alleged backroom negotiations. Abram Hewitt's papers and a 1901 history by committee secretary Milton H. Northrup also did not mention a deal to secure Hayes's presidency.
1877 - 1913
After the crisis, the story of a Bargain of 1877 gradually became a plausible explanation for why Southern Democrats, despite believing Tilden was the lawful president, recognized Hayes's authority.
1877
The existence of an informal bargain to secure Hayes's political authority became widely accepted as part of the traditional account of the election crisis.
1901
Milton H. Northrup published a history of the crisis that did not mention an agreement to secure Hayes's presidency. C. Vann Woodward later argued that Northrup may not have been privy to the alleged discussions.
1913
In his 1913 inside history of the crisis, Henry Watterson described a White House dinner during the first Grover Cleveland administration at which four unnamed insiders tried to reveal secrets about the 1877 crisis. Watterson concluded that the whole truth would never be known.
Image source: Henry Watterson
1951 - 1973
A variety of theories about the crisis emerged, but Woodward's 1951 interpretation became the most thorough and widely accepted account for nearly a quarter century.
1951
Woodward's 1951 book coined the modern name Compromise of 1877, deliberately comparing the political resolution of the election to the Compromise of 1820, Compromise of 1850, and other sectional compromises.
Image source: Compromise of 1877
1951
C. Vann Woodward published Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction, attempting to reconstruct a complete version of the agreement.
Image source: C. Vann Woodward
1973
Peskin argued that three of Woodward's five conditions for a compromise were not met, while the conditions that were met were not undertaken to secure Hayes's legitimacy.
1973
In Was There a Compromise of 1877?, Allan Peskin argued that Hayes's election and the assurances offered to Southern Democrats to prevent a filibuster did not constitute a compromise.
1990
Michael Les Benedict accepted that an informal agreement existed but emphasized that it had no legal effect, unlike the legislative compromises of 1820, 1824, 1850, and 1861.
2012
In The Mexicanization of American Politics, Greg Downs emphasized broad opposition to instability and political violence after the Civil War. He argued that fears of delegitimization or dual presidencies could have made the United States appear to be becoming 'Mexicanized.'
1948
In 1948, President Harry Truman, a Democrat and former senator from Missouri, made the first presidentially proposed civil rights act in the United States. It included anti-lynching measures, voting rights, and elimination of segregation.
Image source: Presidency of Harry S. Truman
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